Thursday, 22 May 2025

Not Every Neolithic Find Is About Stonehenge: The Real Story of Ancient Skin Colour


Introduction: Stop Dragging Stonehenge Into It

Let’s get one thing straight: we’re sorry for even mentioning Stonehenge in the title. It’s a tired journalistic trick, slapping “Stonehenge” onto every Neolithic discovery to grab clicks, and it’s frankly exhausting. A recent genetic study from the University of Ferrara in Italy has been spun as revealing the skin colour of Stonehenge’s builders, but—surprise—it’s not specifically about them. The research, which maps pigmentation across ancient Eurasia, is compelling enough without leaning on Stonehenge as a crutch. It suggests dark skin was common in Europe 5,000 years ago, so, sure, Stonehenge’s builders were likely dark-skinned, based on broader trends. We don’t dispute that. But let’s focus on what the study actually says, not the lazy headlines.

Key Points

  • The study shows dark skin was prevalent in Europe during the Neolithic period, around 5,000 years ago, but it’s about Eurasian populations, not Stonehenge’s builders specifically.
  • Some research suggests Neolithic farmers had lighter skin, fuelling debate, but journalists don’t need Stonehenge to make this interesting.
  • As a preprint, the study’s findings are preliminary, yet robust enough to stand without sensationalist props, aligning with prior work like the Cheddar Man study.
  • The obsession with tying every find to Stonehenge distracts from the real story: the complex evolution of human pigmentation.

What the Study Actually Found

The University of Ferrara’s study, published as a preprint on bioRxiv, analysed DNA from 348 ancient individuals across Eurasia, spanning 45,000 to 1,700 years ago. It found that dark skin dominated in Europe during the Paleolithic period and remained common into the Neolithic and Bronze Ages. This suggests a slower shift to lighter skin than previously thought, likely driven by adaptation to low sunlight. Stonehenge, built around 5,000 years ago, gets dragged into the narrative because it’s a Neolithic landmark, but the study’s scope is far broader. It’s about population trends, not a specific construction crew.

Why the Stonehenge Hype?

Journalists love Stonehenge because it’s a cultural magnet, instantly evoking mystery and ancient wisdom. But this study doesn’t need that prop. Its findings—that dark skin was common longer than expected—are fascinating without tying them to a single monument. The hype distorts the science, making it seem like the study dug up Stonehenge’s builders when it’s really about a continent-wide genetic picture. Meanwhile, some sources claim Neolithic farmers had lighter skin, stirring debate, but even that doesn’t justify the Stonehenge obsession.

Why It Matters

This research reshapes our view of ancient European diversity, showing dark skin was the norm for longer than assumed. It challenges outdated depictions of ancient Britons and highlights the gradual nature of human adaptation. The Stonehenge link is a distraction— the real story is how our ancestors’ appearance evolved across millennia, not just at one site. The study’s preprint status means it’s not peer-reviewed yet, but its data is strong enough to stand on its own.

What’s Next

Future studies could analyse DNA from actual Stonehenge-related remains to pin down specifics, but that’s not what this study did. Peer review will test its conclusions, potentially settling debates about Neolithic skin colour. For now, let’s stop pretending every ancient DNA find is a Stonehenge exclusive and appreciate the broader picture of human evolution.

Detailed Insights

The Study: Genetic Insights into Ancient Pigmentation

The study, titled Inference of human pigmentation from ancient DNA by genotype likelihood, analysed 348 ancient genomes from Eurasia, covering 45,000 to 1,700 years ago. Led by Silvia Perretti, Maria Teresa Vizzari, and Silvia Ghirotto, it used a genotype likelihood method to infer skin, hair, and eye colour from degraded DNA. It found that 92% of Paleolithic individuals (13,000–35,000 years ago) had dark skin, 8% had intermediate tones, and none had pale skin. By the Iron Age (1,700–3,000 years ago), this shifted to 55% dark, 27% intermediate, and 18% pale. Stonehenge’s era, around 5,000 years ago, falls in a period when dark skin was still prevalent, but the study isn’t zeroing in on Wiltshire.

It builds on earlier work, like the 2018 Cheddar Man study, which found a 10,000-year-old Briton with dark skin and blue eyes, showing continuity in these traits.

Methodology: Decoding Ancient DNA

Skin colour is polygenic, and ancient DNA is often fragmented, making analysis tricky. The Ferrara team tested three pigmentation inference methods, finding genotype likelihood best for low-coverage DNA. This approach compares genetic markers to modern European DNA to predict traits. The study’s 348-genome dataset spans Europe and Asia, but includes no Stonehenge-specific samples. Its reliance on regional trends is solid, but the preprint status means peer review is pending, and journalists exaggerating its Stonehenge connection aren’t helping clarity.The Ferrara study suggests dark skin was common 5,000 years ago, but some research, like a 2019 BBC piece, claims Neolithic farmers had paler skin, brown eyes, and dark hair, unlike darker-skinned Mesolithic locals. 

Implications for Human Evolution

The study shows the shift to lighter skin in Europe was gradual, likely for better vitamin D absorption in low-sunlight areas. Dark skin persisted long after humans left Africa 60,000–70,000 years ago, reflecting diverse ancient populations. Stonehenge’s builders probably fit this pattern, but the study’s value lies in its broader scope, not a single site. It challenges Eurocentric depictions of ancient Britons as pale, urging us to rethink our ancestors’ diversity without needing a Stonehenge headline.

Limitations and Future Directions

The study’s preprint status means it awaits peer review, and its lack of Stonehenge-specific DNA makes the link to its builders an educated guess. The debate over Neolithic skin colour calls for targeted studies, perhaps on Stonehenge burials. Future advances in DNA sequencing could clarify regional pigmentation variations, but for now, the Stonehenge hype is a distraction from solid science.

Conclusion

The Ferrara study convincingly shows dark skin was common in Neolithic Europe, likely including Stonehenge’s builders, but it’s not about them specifically. Journalists’ obsession with Stonehenge cheapens the science, which stands strong without the gimmick. The debate over Neolithic skin colour—dark versus light—reflects the field’s complexity, but this research doesn’t need a famous monument to matter. As peer review looms, let’s focus on the real story: the diverse, evolving tapestry of ancient humans, not just one pile of stones.

Key Data Table

Period Dark Skin (%) Intermediate Skin (%) Pale Skin (%)
Paleolithic (13,000–35,000 years ago) 92 8 0
Iron Age (1,700–3,000 years ago) 55 27 18

References

  1. Perretti, S., et al. (2025). Inference of human pigmentation from ancient DNA by genotype likelihood. bioRxiv.
  2. The Independent. (2025). Ancient Britons who built Stonehenge had dark skin, scientists reveal.
  3. BBC News. (2019). Stonehenge: DNA reveals origin of builders.
  4. IBTimes UK. (2025). New DNA Evidence Suggests The Builders Of Stonehenge Were Dark-Skinned.
  5. BBC News. (2018). Cheddar Man: DNA shows early Briton had dark skin.

Saturday, 17 May 2025

Dolerite Dump Spotted Near Stonehenge

UPDATE: I'm informed that the heaps may not be planings as first reported, I hope to get a definite answer soon.

They seem to be soil and stone contaminated with roadside waste; plastic, glass, tarmac and dolerite chippings, and even the base of a traffic cone as can be seen in the photo.


Nick Bull has posted a picture on line of the road planings dumped on the Stonehenge drove to be used to improve it. The monument itself is a couple of hundred metres to the left of the photo.

Stonehenge Drove photo by Nick Bull

Recycled planings compact down to make great tracks so this might seem to be good news. 

But they are classified as waste so a waste exemption U1 must be applied for before they are used.

I haven't been able to find the one they are using here - https://environment.data.gov.uk/public-register/view/search-waste-exemptions - which is connected to the general information about waste exemptions - including that you cannot apply for one  if  it may "adversely affect the countryside or places of special interest". https://www.gov.uk/guidance/choosing-waste-exemptions-for-waste-management-activity So I don't know what Environmental Impact Assessment has been performed.

So what might be the problem?

Road planings usually contain dolerite chips, if the quarry that they came from is Criggion Quarry, near Welshpool, spotted dolerite. It’s tough stuff, perfect for road surfacing.

But really spreading it around the landscape is nightmare for anyone studying the rocks of Stonehenge.


Friday, 16 May 2025

Missing Data: Stonehenge and Its Astronomical Connections

Missing Data

Authors: Clive Ruggles (rug@le.ac.uk), University of Leicester, United Kingdom; Amanda Chadburn (amanda.chadburn@hotmail.com), Bournemouth University, United Kingdom

Citation: Ruggles C., Chadburn A.; 2024 "Missing data". Cosmovisiones/Cosmovisões 5 (1): 99-109. DOI: https://doi.org/10.24215/26840162e007

Received: 07/04/2023, Accepted: 10/06/2024

This article is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-ShareAlike 4.0 License.

Resumen

Este breve artículo se centra en los monumentos del paisaje de Stonehenge, a fin de ofrecer una idea "moderna" de estos monumentos y su astronomía que concuerde con las pruebas arqueológicas más recientes. Aunque la conexión de Stonehenge y otros monumentos cercanos con la astronomía está reconocida por la UNESCO como parte del Valor Universal Excepcional del Sitio del Patrimonio Mundial de Stonehenge, la única manifestación específica de ello que ha logrado un amplio consenso entre los arqueólogos son las líneas de visión solsticiales, indicadas por los ejes principales de las configuraciones de piedra de Stonehenge y los círculos múltiples de postes de madera de Woodhenge y el Círculo del Sur de Durrington Walls. Estas líneas de visión-suficientemente precisas para señalar el solsticio en el paisaje aunque no en el tiempo-parecen representar un desarrollo específico en esta zona hacia mediados del III milenio a.C.

Luego pasamos a criticar algunos artĂ­culos recientes de arqueĂłlogos muy respetados que proponen (i) que Stonehenge encapsulaba elementos clave de un calendario solar de 365 ¼ dĂ­as en la numerologĂ­a de sus caracterĂ­sticas principales; (ii) que se construyĂł un "megacĂ­rculo" de enormes fosos, de más de 2 km de diámetro, en la misma Ă©poca que el cĂ­rculo de piedras de Stonehenge, centrado en Durrington Walls Henge; y (iii) que se colocaron dos grandes fosas en el "Stonehenge Cursus", situadas en las alineaciones de la salida y la puesta del sol del solsticio de verano, vistas desde la "Heel Stone". Presentamos nuevas pruebas para contrarrestar estas ideas (ii) y razonamos que todas ellas son extrapolaciones que van mucho más allá de las evidencias disponibles y se enfrentan a las consideraciones metodolĂłgicas básicas (por ejemplo, con respecto a la selecciĂłn de datos) que han sido bien conocidas por los astrĂłnomos culturales desde los años 80.

Concluimos hablando de algunas cuestiones abiertas. La primera, si Stonehenge y algunos monumentos contemporáneos cercanos hubieran podido ser colocados en lugares ya percibidos como significativos debido a la alineaciĂłn aproximadamente solsticial de las caracterĂ­sticas naturales. Otra cuestiĂłn es durante cuánto tiempo continuaron las lĂ­neas de visiĂłn solsticiales, y cĂłmo debe interpretarse, particularmente con respecto a las ideas de rituales solsticiales que implicaban procesiones entre los distintos monumentos. Tercero, ¿es posible que las orientaciones solsticiales evidentes en Stonehenge y sus alrededores a mediados del III milenio a.C. derivaran de prácticas desarrolladas siglos antes en el suroeste de Gales, de donde procedĂ­an las "bluestones" ("piedras azules") de Stonehenge? Una Ăşltima pregunta, que sigue en gran medida sin resolverse, es si la alineaciĂłn lunar del rectángulo formado por las "Station Stones" es realmente intencional y, en caso afirmativo, cuál fue su propĂłsito y significado. Investigaciones recientes han logrado arrojar nueva luz sobre el tema.

Palabras clave: Prehistoria británica, Stonehenge, LĂ­neas de visiĂłn solsticiales, SelecciĂłn de datos, MetodologĂ­a.

Abstract

This short paper focuses on monuments in the Stonehenge landscape, including Stonehenge itself, with the aim of presenting a "modern" picture of these monuments and their astronomy that is consistent with the latest archaeological evidence. While the connection of Stonehenge and other nearby monuments to astronomy is recognized by UNESCO as part of the Outstanding Universal Value of the Stonehenge World Heritage site, the only specific manifestation of this that has achieved broad consensus among archaeologists is the solstitial sightlines, indicated by the main axes of the stone settings at Stonehenge and the multiple timber circles at Woodhenge and Durrington Walls Southern Circle. These sightlines - precise enough to pinpoint the solstice in space although not in time - seem to represent a specific development in this area around the mid-3rd millennium BC.

We proceed to critique some recent papers by well-respected archaeologists proposing (i) that Stonehenge encapsulated key elements of a 365¼-day solar calendar in the numerology of its key features; (ii) that a "mega-circle" of huge pits, over 2 km in diameter, was built around the same time as the stone circle at Stonehenge, centred on Durrington Walls Henge; and (iii) that two large pits were placed in the Stonehenge Cursus positioned on the summer solstice sunrise and sunset alignments as viewed from the Heel Stone. We present new evidence to counter (ii) and argue that all these ideas extrapolate well beyond the available evidence and fall foul of basic methodological considerations (e.g., regarding data selection) that have been well known to cultural astronomers since the 1980s.

We finish with a discussion of some open questions. The first is whether Stonehenge and some nearby contemporary monuments might have been placed at locations already perceived as significant because of the approximately solstitial alignment of natural features. Another is how long the solstitial sightlines remained "operational" in the sense of being usable for actual observations, and what this implies for their interpretation - particularly for ideas of solstitial observances involving processions between the different monuments. Third is the possibility that the solstitial orientations evident at and around Stonehenge in the mid-3rd millennium BC might have derived from practices developed centuries earlier in southwest Wales, from which the Stonehenge bluestones were brought. A final question that remains largely unresolved is whether the lunar alignment of the Station Stone rectangle at Stonehenge was indeed intentional and, if so, what was its purpose and meaning. Recent investigations have succeeded in casting some new light on the subject.

Keywords: Prehistoric Britain, Stonehenge, Solstitial sightlines, Data selection, Methodology

Sighting the Sun in the Stonehenge Landscape

Stonehenge remains firmly associated with astronomy in the global public perception, even though most do not fully understand how and why. Ideas depicting it as an "astronomical observatory" incorporating numerous alignments upon horizon rising and setting points of the sun and moon (Hawkins 1965) or as a "backsight" for highly precise lunar observations (Thom, Thom, and Thom 1975) have long been consigned to history (Ruggles 1999a), but unfortunately these still remain as credible explanations for many people. North's (1996: xxxix) audacious claim that "Stonehenge was indeed built to an astronomical design, or rather succession of designs, but all of them were much more ingenious that has previously been recognized" proved equally controversial (Ruggles 1999b), as did Sims' (2006) proposal that its design facilitated observations of the "dark moon" necessitated by deeply embedded ancestor rituals connecting lunar cycles to ancient hunting practices. Various other astronomical speculations relating to Stonehenge over the years have failed to achieve consensus among either archaeologists or archaeoastronomers.

On the other hand, the connection to astronomy at the Stonehenge World Heritage Site has been recognised by site managers and formally by UNESCO (decision 32 COM 8B.93) since 2008 as part of its "Outstanding Universal Value" (Young, Chadburn and Bedu 2009: 25-27; Chadburn and Ruggles 2017) and this is therefore critical to preserving its World Heritage status. This link to the skies is manifested most clearly and credibly by various solstitial sightlines found at Stonehenge and other nearby monuments (Fig. 1).

It is generally accepted that the solstitial axis of the stone settings at Stonehenge was deliberate, with the direction towards winter solstice sunset - "ahead" when following the direction of formal approach to the monument along the Avenue - likely to be the more significant (Ruggles 2014). The sightlines in each direction are more closely aligned upon the first or last gleam, rather than the centre or lower limb of the sun, and are precise to within ~0.5° (Ruggles 2006). This means that they are precise enough to fix the solstices in space - i.e., their position in relation to the landscape - but do not pinpoint them in time because there was no discernible difference in the sunrise or sunset position for several days either side of the actual solstice1. Consequently Stonehenge would have functioned well to identify a range of days around one or other solstice when, say, ceremonies should be carried out (presumably whenever a non-cloudy day permitted observation of the sun rising or setting along the alignment); but it could not be used as an accurate calendrical "instrument" for determining the exact dates of the solstices.

1 It is helpful to distinguish between (i) constructions that are broadly solstitially aligned, such as Maes Howe tomb in Orkney (precision say ~5°); (ii) those that pinpoint the solstice in space, as at Stonehenge (~0.5°); and (iii) those that pinpoint the solstice in time, as Thom (1971:37-38) suggested might have been done at Kintraw (~0.01°) (Ruggles and Chadburn 2024: 107).

A map of a city

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

Figure 1: The main archaeological monuments in the Stonehenge World Heritage Site. Based on scheduled monument data from Historic England. Other features drawn from Ordnance Survey mapping data. After Chadburn and Ruggles 2017, fig. 4.1.

A diagram of a river

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

 

Figure 2: Plan of Woodhenge and Durrington Walls showing the principal alignments and their declinations. For more information see Ruggles (2014) and Ruggles and Chadburn (2024: ch. 6).

 

A practice of precise solstitial orientation around the mid-3rd millennium BC is not only evident at Stonehenge itself but at two nearby monuments, Woodhenge and Durrington Walls Southern Circle, both multiple concentric rings of timber posts (Fig. 2). At Woodhenge the axis is defined by the long axis of the concentric oval rings (see Ruggles 2006 for a discussion of the slightly different azimuth determinations by Cunnington, the excavator, and Thom). At Durrington Walls a short Avenue, discovered in 2005 during excavations by the Stonehenge Riverside Project, led down from the Southern Circle towards the River Avon (Parker Pearson 2007). Both monuments were later enclosed in henges (earthen ditch and bank). Through computer reconstructions based on DTM data and excavated evidence, we can now visualise the solstitial alignments at Durrington Walls (Ruggles and Chadburn 2024: 97-98), despite the fact that the site of the circle itself is buried beneath a road embankment. A contemporary posthole alignment recently discovered at Lark Hill to the north, built through the entrance of a causewayed enclosure constructed several centuries earlier, was aligned with similar precision upon the rising summer solstice sun (Ruggles et al. 2021).

The solstitial alignment of the main axes of several monuments in the Stonehenge landscape seems to represent a specific development in this area around the mid-3rd millennium BC. While long barrows in the area constructed around a millennium earlier manifest patterns of orientation more broadly correlated with the sun(specifically, within sunrise/sun-climbing sectors of the horizon) (Burl 1987; Ruggles 1997) ², they were clearly influenced by a number of other factors (Tilley, Bennett,and Field 2020). Elsewhere, well-known solstitial alignments of specific monuments(such as the Newgrange passage tomb in Ireland) appear to be “one-offs” within pat-terns of orientation influenced by a range of factors (Prendergast 2016).

Moreover, there is no evidence that they persisted or developed further. Rather, the alignments at both Durrington Walls and Woodhenge appear to have been short-lived, with the posts decaying or the sight-lines becoming compromised by later constructions such as henge banks (Ruggles and Chadburn 2024: 109–111). 

² These reflect local orientation patterns found widely among groups of later prehistoric ceremonial and funerary monuments in Western Mediterranean Europe (Hoskin 2001).

 

Some Recent Ideas

Darvill (2022) has recently proposed that Stonehenge encapsulated key elements of a 365¼-day solar calendar in its architectural design. The basic argument is that there are 30 uprights in the sarsen circle, 5 trilithons and 4 Station Stones, and 30 × 12 + 5 = 365, with 4 representing the quarter. This is simply playing with numbers—"numerology"—recognized for many decades by cultural astronomers as an unhelpful approach. Its dangers are most evident from the complete absence of any physical structures at Stonehenge manifesting the number 12. Added to this, the solstitial alignment does not accurately mark the solstice in time (see above) and there is no independent cultural evidence whatsoever for the existence of a 365¼-day calendar at Stonehenge. See Magli and Belmonte (2023) for a thorough critique. The numerological subjectivity is underlined by Meaden's (2023) alternative interpretation in which one of the circle stones, Stone 11, is counted as "½" so that the circle stones are supposed to represent the 29½ days of the lunar phase cycle. (Shadow alignments are also added into the mix.)

In another recent paper, Gaffney et al. (2020) have argued that Durrington Walls Henge was surrounded by a huge ring, over 2 km in diameter, of massive pits up to 20 m wide. The supposed ring is evidenced from two main arcs of features identified from geophysical surveys. The northern arc is formed by what is in fact a curved line of natural sinkholes running down a dry valley in the chalkland landscape, albeit some of them elaborated by human intervention in prehistoric times (Leivers 2021), together with some other identified features. The second arc, on the south-western side, comprises a mixture of Bronze Age and unverified features, with many comparable features being omitted (see Fig. 3). The dangers of data selection, as well as of biased interpretation, are again clear, not least because many of the areas in and around the "circle" have not been investigated.

A map of a field

AI-generated content may be incorrect.

 

Figure 3: Part of the alleged large pit circle, as enumerated by Gaffney et al. (2020), compared with the locations of prehistoric scheduled monuments (pink areas), taken from historicengland.org.uk/listing/the-list (satellite layer), © Historic England. 9A, 6A and 4A (which actually coincide with the scheduled areas, despite discrepancies between the marked positions of the latter and features evident on the OS base map) are scheduled as levelled Bronze Age bowl barrows (SM 1009145, SM 1009137, and SM 1009138 respectively). Gaffney et al. undertook core investigations at unscheduled features 8A, 7A and 5A, finding no signs of human activity at 8A and 7A but some charcoal and bone at 5A. Moreover, organic matter within cores 5A, 7A and 8A varies in date by around four thousand years (Gaffney et al. 2020, Table 1).

A third idea, which received significant press coverage back in 2011, is that two large (undated) pits within the Stonehenge Cursus, which dates to the mid-4th millennium BC, marked sunrise and sunset at the summer solstice as viewed from the Heel Stone. There are issues concerning the visibility of the pits from the Heel Stone, but most important is that the selected pits are merely two among several other large pits in the vicinity3. The Heel Stone itself is undated, although the fact that it is now known to have come from the same sarsen source as nearly all the other sarsen uprights at Stonehenge means that it may have been positioned at a similar time, around 2500 BC. All this undermines Gaffney et al. (2012)'s suggestion that this positioning of the two large pits was significant and "unlikely to be a coincidence".

The authors of all these papers, well respected archaeologists, seem to be falling into traps all too familiar to cultural astronomers from the early critical development of their discipline. It took many years for early archaeoastronomers, especially those from the 'green' school, to recognize the importance of the broader archaeological/cultural context in framing credible interpretations (Aveni 1989; 2016), which was happening around the same time that 'post-processual' archaeologists were striving to develop frameworks of interpretation appropriately grounded in anthropological theory (e.g., Johnson 1999). Archaeoastronomers have long acknowledged that statistical objectivity is a goal neither achievable (because of arbitrary choices of hypothesis) nor appropriate in an anthropological context (at its simplest, because people in the past did not act like laws of the universe) (Ruggles 2011). But we have gone badly astray if the pursuit of more contextual, theory-aware approaches then results in trying to mould the archaeological evidence to fit a favoured theory rather than letting it speak for itself. It seems ironic that archaeoastronomers are now having to critique mainstream archaeologists in this regard, although less surprising perhaps in view of a similar debate some two decades ago between phenomenological and more conventional approaches in landscape archaeology (Tilley 1994; Fleming 2006). The simple rules espoused by statistician Peter Freeman at the original Oxford conference in 1981 - 'Observe everything' and 'Report all you observe' (Freeman 1982) - seem as relevant now as they ever have been.

3 The pits in question (F1 and F2) were part of "a series of large pits", but none of the rest are highlighted on the plans (Gaffney et al. 2012: 154 and figs 3 and 5). However, some of these other nearby pits/features are shown in a later paper (Gaffney et al. 2020: fig. 9).

Open Questions

The process of interpretation always involves extrapolating beyond the evidence in one sense, but has to mean suggesting credible ideas, not only well grounded theoretically but consistent with the archaeological and archaeoastronomical evidence as it stands - and ideally that are open to further investigation in the future.

It has been suggested, for example, that Stonehenge is where it is because of the approximately solstitial alignment of natural features, in this case striations in the chalk subsoil surface caused by water running downhill away from the site in that direction (Parker Pearson 2012: ch. 16). What is to us a coincidence of nature may have provided a tangible connection between the landscape and skyscape to ancient peoples. This might well have been perceived as demonstrating the sacred power and significance of the place, a power that was then appropriated and enhanced by the construction of a succession of monuments at Stonehenge itself, and the Avenue. While there is doubt about the visibility of those striations in the early Neolithic landscape, similar arguments might apply at Durrington Walls Southern Circle and the Lark Hill posthole alignment, both of which face down dry valleys that lead off in broadly solstitial directions (Leivers 2021; Ruggles et al. 2021). These are ideas that need to be, and are being, investigated further.

Another open question relates to the chronological development of the solstitial sightlines and how long they remained "operational" in the sense of being usable for actual observations. Recent dating evidence suggests that, within a century or so of their construction, the solstitial alignments at both Woodhenge (where the timbers rotted away) and Durrington Walls Southern Circle (which was enclosed within a 300 m-wide henge monument), ceased to be of practical use (Ruggles and Chadburn 2024: 109-111; Chadburn and Marshall n.d.).

At the other end of the timeline, the broadly solstitial alignment of Waun Mawn stone circle in the Preseli mountains in southwest Wales (the area from which the Stonehenge "bluestones" were sourced), a site put forward as a possible precursor to Stonehenge (Parker Pearson et al. 2021), might suggest that a tradition of solstitial orientation could originally have developed in that region before being transported (along with the stones) to Stonehenge and subsequently refined. This is a viable theory but it needs stronger supporting evidence. In particular, there remains considerable uncertainty about exactly when the bluestones were first brought to the Stonehenge area: whether this was only shortly before, or at around the same time as, the large sarsens, or many centuries earlier.

One of the biggest open questions relates to potential connections between Stonehenge and the moon. The only putative lunar sightlines indicated in the overall architectural design are towards the most southerly moonrise and most northerly moonset along the longer sides of the Station Stone rectangle. Recent geochemical analyses (Nash et al. 2020) have confirmed that the Station Stones were provenanced from the same area (the West Woods area of the Marlborough Downs, about 25 km north of Stonehenge) as the large sarsens. This, and their careful positioning in relation to the sarsen circle, with the longer sides almost tangential to it, suggest that they were put in place around the same time as the larger stones. The problem is that, being perpendicular to the main solstitial axis, the lunar alignments could have arisen fortuitously given that the shorter sides of the rectangle were solstitially aligned along the main axis of the monument.

If it was indeed designed for sighting the moon, the alignment to the northwest is surprisingly accurate (dec. +28.4°), but the practicalities of scattered observations (due both to the complex lunar motions and the uncertain weather) in and around major standstill years make intentional high precision unlikely (Ruggles 2014). On the other hand, a concentration of cremations and offerings deposited around the site during the centuries before the sarsen monument was constructed can be seen around the direction of most southerly moonrise, suggesting a pre-existing interest in the moon's appearances unusually far north or south (Pollard and Ruggles 2001). The orientation of the long sides of the rectangle perpendicular to, rather than along, the solstitial axis also give credibility to the lunar sightlines. To date, though, no credible lunar alignments have been identified at any of the nearby contemporary monuments.

Cited References

Aveni, A.F. (1989) Whither archaeoastronomy? In Aveni, A.F. (ed.) World Archaeoastronomy. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. 3-12.

Aveni, A.F. (2016) Reidentifying archaeoastronomy. Journal of Skyscape Archaeology (2.2), 245-249.

Burl, A. (1987) The Stonehenge People. London: Dent.

Chadburn, A. and Marshall, P. (n.d.) New radiocarbon dates for Woodhenge. Forthcoming.

Chadburn, A. and Ruggles, C. (2017) Stonehenge World Heritage Property, United Kingdom. In Ruggles, C. (ed.), Heritage Sites of Astronomy and Archaeoastronomy in the Context of the UNESCO World Heritage Convention: Thematic Study no. 2. Paris: ICOMOS. 41-62.

Darvill, T. (2022) Keeping time at Stonehenge. Antiquity (96), 319-335.

Fleming, A. (2006) Post-processual landscape archaeology: a critique. Cambridge Archaeological Journal (16), 267-280.

Freeman, P.R. (1982) The statistical approach. In Heggie, D.C. (ed.), Archaeoastronomy in the Old World. Cambridge & New York: Cambridge University Press. 45-52.

Gaffney, C., Gaffney, V., Neubauer, W., Baldwin, E., Chapman, H., Garwood, P., Moulden, H., Sparrow, T., Bates, R., Löcker, K., Hinterleitner, A., Trinks, I., Nau, E., Zitz, T, Floery, S., Verhoeven, G., Doneus, M. (2012) The Stonehenge Hidden Landscape Project. Archaeological Prospection (19), 147-155, doi.org/10.1002/arp.1422.

Gaffney, V., Baldwin, E., Bates, M., Bates, C.R., Gaffney, C., Hamilton, D., Kinnaird, T., Neubauer, W., Yorston, R., Allaby, R., Chapman, H., Garwood, P., Löcker, K., Hinterleitner, A., Sparrow, T., Trinks, I., Wallner, M., Leivers, M. (2020) A massive, Late Neolithic pit Structure associated with Durrington Walls Henge. Internet Archaeology (55) doi.org/10.11141/ia.55.4.

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